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After the 4 November local government elections, Julius Malema and Jacob Zuma may hold the balance of power in some of South Africa’s biggest and most economically important cities, writes Zukile Majova in Real Politics. 

That prospect should worry ratepayers, investors and political parties alike.

The Economic Freedom Fighters and uMkhonto weSizwe Party could jointly command between 20% and 25% in some contested councils. If neither the ANC nor the DA wins an outright majority, Malema and Zuma may be able to decide who becomes mayor, who controls the municipal budget and which parties receive the most powerful portfolios.

But the two men who could become the country’s most influential municipal kingmakers are potentially the worst coalition partners available.

Both lead highly centralised parties built around the authority and political fortunes of their founders. Neither organisation has a credible record of municipal government. Both favour aggressive populism over the compromises required to keep water flowing, repair roads, collect revenue and maintain investment-grade cities.

There is an alternative. The ANC and DA should take the cooperation they established in the Government of National Unity and extend it into hung municipalities.

The two parties disagree profoundly on transformation, economic policy, property rights and the role of the state. They will remain electoral rivals. But they share a basic commitment to constitutional government, institutional continuity and an economy capable of financing public services. That common ground is more important than ideological purity in municipalities approaching collapse.

After the 2021 election, 66 councils were hung. That number is unlikely to decline in November and may increase as MK, the Patriotic Alliance, the IFP, ActionSA and smaller parties fragment the vote further. At least five metros — Johannesburg, Tshwane, Ekurhuleni, eThekwini and Nelson Mandela Bay — are highly likely to be hung. Mangaung could join them.

These cities do not have another five years to waste.

Johannesburg has had eight mayors since 2019. Governments have been assembled and removed through deals involving parties with tiny electoral mandates. Kabelo Gwamanda became mayor despite Al Jama-ah holding only three of the council’s 270 seats. His appointment was not an expression of voters’ will. It was the result of larger parties being unable to agree on which of them should govern.

While politicians fought over positions, Johannesburg’s water, electricity and road infrastructure deteriorated. Residents were left with dry taps, collapsing traffic lights, power interruptions and rising municipal bills. Similar instability has affected Tshwane, Ekurhuleni and Nelson Mandela Bay. Mayors are removed before their programmes can be implemented. Municipal budgets become bargaining instruments in coalition negotiations.

This is not democracy working. It is fragmentation paralysing government.

The ANC and DA together could end most of this instability.

Based on their 2021 results, the two parties had a combined vote of approximately 60% in Johannesburg, 67% in Tshwane, 67% in Ekurhuleni, 68% in eThekwini, 79% in Nelson Mandela Bay and 76% in Mangaung. The numbers will shift in November, particularly in eThekwini where MK has reordered KwaZulu-Natal politics. But an ANC-DA combination will still command clear governing majorities in all six metros.

A simple principle could govern these coalitions: the party with the most council seats takes the mayoralty, while the second party receives the deputy mayoralty, speakership and a proportional share of portfolio positions. The agreement should not be renegotiated separately in every city behind closed doors. The parties should negotiate a national framework establishing transparent rules for municipalities where their combined vote produces a stable majority.

That framework should include a binding five-year programme, merit-based appointments, independent supply-chain controls, public performance targets and dispute-resolution procedures. Residents should know before they vote that an ANC-DA coalition would be based on the election result, not on secret negotiations over tenders and portfolios.

The Government of National Unity has already demonstrated the strategic value of this kind of cooperation. Whatever its internal tensions, it prevented national power from becoming dependent on either the EFF or MK after the 2024 election.

The same principle worked in KwaZulu-Natal. The IFP, ANC, DA and NFP combined to keep the provincial government functioning despite MK emerging as the largest party. Without that agreement, Zuma’s party would have used its 37 seats and its EFF alliance to dominate the province. Instead, the IFP’s Thami Ntuli became premier and a multiparty executive was formed around parties prepared to operate within the constitutional framework.

Municipalities need the same firewall.

This is not an argument that the EFF and MK should be excluded because their policies are radical. Voters who support them are entitled to representation. The danger lies in handing control of struggling cities to parties whose leadership cultures, policy promises and coalition conduct offer little assurance of stable administration.

The EFF has almost 1,000 councillors and commands roughly 10% of the vote, yet it has not won outright control of a single municipality. MK has never governed a municipality, province or national department under its own name. Its structures remain bound to Zuma’s personal authority, while many of its prominent figures emerged from the networks associated with the worst years of state capture.

An EFF-MK bloc could be large enough to bring down governments but not disciplined enough to run them.

The ANC and DA are not innocent bystanders in the municipal crisis. The ANC presided over cadre deployment, corruption and administrative decay in many councils. The DA has contributed to instability through rigid coalition management and an inability to sustain relationships with smaller partners.

An ANC-DA pact would work only if both abandoned the belief that cooperation requires the other party’s surrender. The ANC would have to accept professional administration, stronger financial controls and consequences for corruption. The DA would have to accept that transformation and the extension of services to historically neglected communities are central functions of municipal government, not optional ideological concessions.

Such an agreement would not end political competition. It would move that competition away from motions of no confidence and towards measurable performance. The party running the finance portfolio could be judged on revenue collection. The party responsible for infrastructure could be judged on water losses, road repairs and capital spending. Residents would finally be able to compare results.

Malema and Zuma may emerge from November as powerful kingmakers. But South Africa’s biggest cities should not be forced to depend on them.

The ANC and DA already possess the combined electoral mandate to govern these metros. Their duty is to use it.

A grand municipal coalition would be uncomfortable, argumentative and imperfect. But five years of predictable government would be vastly better than another term of collapsing coalitions, proxy mayors and political looting.

South Africa does not need another experiment in municipal chaos. It needs its two largest parties to accept that, in the country’s broken cities, stable government has become more important than permanent political warfare.

Zukile Majova and Rob Rose discuss whether an ANC-DA grand municipal coalition is realistic and what it would take to make it work in this week’s edition of Sharp Sharp, the podcast from Scrolla and Currency. Hear more from Zukile on the Sharp Sharp podcast, where he and Rob Rose unpack the week in South African politics every Wednesday.

Pictured above: Geordin Hill-Lewis and Cyril Ramaphosa. 

Image source: Geordin Hill-Lewis/X

By Palesa Matlala

• Nineteen flood affected families from Ntshongweni have moved into Temporary Residential Units after spending years in dangerous shelters with no proper water, electricity or sanitation.

• eThekwini Mayor Cyril Xaba says government plans to build another 1,200 subsidised homes to provide permanent housing for vulnerable families across the municipality.

After nearly three years of hardship, 19 families from Ntshongweni, west of Durban, finally have a safe roof over their heads.

The families, whose homes were destroyed during the devastating April 2022 floods, have moved into newly built Temporary Residential Units.

For many of them, it is the first time in years they can sleep without worrying about heavy rain, leaking roofs or dangerous living conditions.

The April 2022 floods were among the worst natural disasters in South Africa’s history.

More than 440 people died, thousands of homes were destroyed and billions of rands worth of damage was caused across KwaZulu-Natal.

Many families have been waiting years for permanent housing.

Before moving into the new units, the Ntshongweni families spent months living in a community hall.

They were later moved to temporary shelters in an area where they say there were snakes, no electricity, no running water and poor living conditions.

Some remained there for almost three years.

Flood victim Fikile Shange said she was relieved to leave behind the house that was falling apart.

“I am happy to have left the house that was collapsing and to be living in a better place, even if it is temporary,” she said.

Another beneficiary, Mzolo, said the family finally feels safe.

“We did not have proper shelter for three years. We are happy that this summer we will not have to worry about heavy rains, and we hope Eskom will connect electricity soon,” Mzolo said.

eThekwini Mayor Cyril Xaba officially handed over the homes during a visit to inspect whether families had settled into their new accommodation.

He said the Temporary Residential Units are only a short-term solution while government works on building permanent houses.

Xaba also announced plans to build another 1,200 subsidised houses for vulnerable families across eThekwini.

The handover was, however, marked by a disagreement over who should receive credit for the project.

Ward 7 councillor Luthando Jali said he approached the National Department of Human Settlements after the municipality failed to assist residents.

He believes his intervention helped secure the temporary homes.

Mayor Xaba disagreed.

He said the project was made possible through cooperation between the eThekwini Municipality, the KwaZulu-Natal provincial government and the national government.

He said no single person should claim credit for helping the families.

For the residents, however, the politics mattered far less than finally having a safe place to live.

After years of uncertainty, they can now look forward to living in safer conditions while waiting for the permanent homes they have been promised.

Pictured above: Families from Ntshongweni who lost their homes in the 2022 KwaZulu-Natal floods have finally moved into temporary houses after waiting almost three years. 

Image source: eThekwini Municipality

By Palesa Matlala

• Four radiation alarms were triggered during maintenance work at Koeberg Nuclear Power Station, but Eskom says all radioactive material remained safely contained inside the reactor building.

• More than 250 workers were tested after the incidents and the highest radiation exposure recorded was far below South Africa’s strict nuclear safety limits.

Eskom has told South Africans there is no need to worry after several radiation alarms went off at the Koeberg Nuclear Power Station.

The power utility says there was no radiation leak and no danger to people living near the plant.

While the National Nuclear Regulator agreed, saying the incidents did not put workers, nearby communities or the environment at risk.

The alarms went off while workers were carrying out planned maintenance on Unit 2, which has been shut down since April for inspections and repairs. The unit is expected to start producing electricity again in November.

During the work, robots were used to inspect large pipes inside the power station.

These robots disturbed tiny radioactive dust particles that had built up over many years.

Therefore dust stayed inside a sealed work area, where safety systems quickly detected it.

Each time an alarm sounded, work stopped immediately.

Workers left the area while powerful ventilation systems cleaned the air.

Eskom said all the radioactive material remained safely inside the reactor building.

None of it escaped into the environment.

There were four separate incidents between 30 June and 16 July.

One alarm was triggered by a worker’s personal radiation monitor.

Another happened when a damaged power cable stopped a ventilation machine from working.

A third happened after a ventilation plug came loose.

The fourth occurred during more inspection work inside the reactor.

After every incident, safety teams checked the area before work continued.

More than 250 workers were tested for radiation exposure.

The highest level recorded was very low.

Experts say it was about the same as the radiation a person receives from four dental X-rays or a few hours on a commercial flight.

The National Nuclear Regulator gave all four incidents a Level Zero rating, the lowest possible safety classification. This means the incidents had no impact on nuclear safety.

Eskom Board Chairperson Mteto Nyati said the station’s safety systems worked exactly as they were designed to.

Electricity and Energy Minister Dr Kgosientsho Ramokgopa also assured South Africans that Koeberg remains safe.

He said Unit 1 is still producing electricity as normal while Unit 2 is expected to return to service later this year.

Koeberg, near Cape Town, is Africa’s only nuclear power station.

It has been operating for more than 40 years and produces about five percent of South Africa’s electricity.

Eskom and the National Nuclear Regulator say the incidents show that Koeberg’s safety systems worked as they should and that there was never any danger to the public.

Pictured above: Eskom says there was no radiation leak at Koeberg Nuclear Power Station and that nearby communities were never in danger. 

Image source: Eskom

By Palesa Matlala

• Suspended Ekurhuleni Metropolitan Police Department deputy chief Julius Mkhwanazi is facing three criminal cases, two disciplinary hearings and an investigation by the Madlanga Commission of Inquiry.

• Mkhwanazi says the cases against him are politically motivated and insists he will be cleared, while political parties and civil society groups are demanding that he be fired.

Suspended Ekurhuleni Metropolitan Police Department deputy chief Brigadier Julius Mkhwanazi says he will not step aside despite facing a string of criminal charges.

Speaking through his lawyers, Mkhwanazi said he believes he is innocent until proven guilty and that leaving his position now would hand victory to people who want to destroy his reputation.

The senior metro police officer is facing three criminal cases, two internal disciplinary hearings and an investigation by the Madlanga Commission of Inquiry.

He joined the Ekurhuleni Metropolitan Police Department in 2003 and worked his way up to become deputy chief.

The City of Ekurhuleni suspended him in November 2025 after an internal audit recommended disciplinary action over allegations of misconduct. The city said it acted while monitoring serious allegations that emerged during the commission’s work.

One of the most serious cases against Mkhwanazi involves allegations that he planned a fake police raid on a flat in Killarney, Johannesburg, in 2023.

The Independent Police Investigative Directorate accuses him of trying to steal sugilite and manganese stones worth R14.9 million.

His former girlfriend, a Johannesburg Metropolitan Police Department officer who testified before the Madlanga Commission as Witness K, claimed Mkhwanazi organised the operation.

He has denied those allegations and was granted bail of R5,000 and is expected back in court on 25 August 2026.

Mkhwanazi is also facing fraud, corruption and defeating the ends of justice charges alongside Ekurhuleni city manager Kagiso Lerutla.

They are accused of paying R400,000 to another person to pretend to be Lerutla in court over a speeding fine.

During that arrest, police also found Mkhwanazi with an illegal firearm. He was released on R30,000 bail.

In another case, he was granted R50,000 bail after being accused of helping approve police blue lights for the private luxury vehicles of an alleged underworld crime boss.

Despite the growing legal problems, Mkhwanazi’s lawyers say he believes the charges are politically motivated because he wanted to become the next chief of the Ekurhuleni Metropolitan Police Department.

They also argue that South Africa’s Constitution guarantees the presumption of innocence until a court finds someone guilty.

His legal team said he has already explained his defence during his bail applications and remains confident that he will be cleared in all the cases.

Political pressure is, however, growing.

ActionSA has called for Mkhwanazi’s contract to be terminated immediately.

The Activists and Citizens Forum also says suspension is not enough and wants him dismissed.

Criminologist Professor Mpho Matlala said the allegations have badly damaged public trust in both Mkhwanazi and the Ekurhuleni Metropolitan Police Department.

He said Mkhwanazi must be allowed to go through the disciplinary process because labour laws protect employees.

But if he is found guilty, Matlala believes he should be dismissed.

He warned that keeping Mkhwanazi in the job without clearing his name could further damage the reputation of the metro police and the City of Ekurhuleni.

Five things to know about Julius Mkhwanazi:

• He joined the Ekurhuleni Metropolitan Police Department in 2003 and rose to become deputy chief.

• He has been suspended since November 2025 while facing misconduct allegations.

• He is facing three separate criminal cases, including fraud, corruption and the alleged Killarney fake police raid.

• He is also being investigated by the Madlanga Commission of Inquiry and is facing two disciplinary hearings.

• He denies all the allegations and says the cases are politically motivated. He believes he will be cleared in court.

Pictured above: Suspended Ekurhuleni Metropolitan Police Department deputy chief Julius Mkhwanazi says he will fight the criminal charges against him and clear his name.

Image source: File

By Palesa Matlala

• Economists expect inflation to rise again because of higher fuel prices, which increase the cost of transporting and producing food across South Africa.

• Researchers warn that a 700 gram loaf of white bread could cost around R45 by 2036 if prices continue increasing at the same pace seen over recent years.

South Africans are already paying more for groceries, electricity, transport and other everyday essentials.

Now experts are warning that one of the country’s most important foods could soon become much more expensive.

A loaf of white bread that costs about R20 today could cost around R45 by 2036 if prices continue rising at the same pace.

Bread is the second most important staple food in South Africa after maize meal.

Millions of families depend on bread every day because it is one of the cheapest and easiest ways to feed a household.

For many people, bread is eaten at breakfast, lunch and supper.

If the price keeps climbing, it could become too expensive for many low income families.

The warning comes as Statistics South Africa prepares to release the latest inflation figures.

Inflation measures how quickly the prices of everyday goods and services increase.

When inflation rises, people pay more for food, fuel, transport, electricity and other household essentials.

Inflation increased from 4% in April to 4.5% in May.

Many economists expect it to rise again when the June figures are released.

University of Johannesburg economist Dr Charles Saba said higher fuel prices are one of the biggest reasons inflation is increasing.

He said conflict in the Middle East has pushed up global oil prices.

When petrol and diesel become more expensive, it costs more to transport food from farms to factories, shops and supermarkets.

Businesses often pass those higher costs on to consumers.

Although fuel prices dropped during July, Saba warned that the relief may not last.

If fighting in the Middle East continues, oil prices could rise again, leading to higher fuel prices in South Africa.

Independent economist Dr Bonke Dumisa agreed that consumers are still under pressure.

He said prices usually go up quickly but come down very slowly.

Even when businesses pay less for fuel, many do not reduce food prices by much.

Investec economist Tertia Jacobs believes inflation could slow slightly because of lower fuel prices, but she warned that the outlook remains uncertain as global oil prices can change at any time.

Another concern is the rising cost of bread.

Data analyst Andrew Weston compared bread prices over the past few years.

A 700 gram loaf of white bread cost R13.51 in 2019.

By 2024, it had risen to R18.68.

If prices continue increasing at a similar pace, Weston estimates the same loaf could cost about R45 by 2036.

He stressed that this is not a guaranteed price but a forecast based on previous price increases.

Families who buy two or three loaves every week would feel the biggest impact.

A R45 loaf would add hundreds of rand to a family’s monthly grocery bill, forcing many households to cut back on other essentials.

The warning comes as millions of South Africans continue to battle unemployment, rising food prices and the high cost of living.

Many families already spend most of their income on groceries, transport, rent and electricity, leaving little money for school costs, healthcare or emergencies.

For now, South Africans can only hope inflation slows before one of the country’s most basic foods becomes a luxury many families can no longer afford.

Pictured above: Sliced white bread

Image source: File

By Anita Dangazele

• A court has stopped Parliament’s impeachment committee from holding public hearings, until Ramaphosa’s own separate court case is decided.

• The committee can still do preparatory work behind the scenes in the meantime, like appointing lawyers and preparing witnesses.

President Cyril Ramaphosa has won a court bid to stop Parliament’s impeachment committee from holding public hearings against him, for now.

The Western Cape High Court made the ruling on Friday.

The court said the committee cannot hold public hearings until a separate court case, one where Ramaphosa is challenging an earlier report about him, is finished.

Judge André le Grange, reading out the order, said the committee must wait until that other case is decided.

He said the judges did not all agree on this decision, and that who pays the legal costs will be decided later.

That earlier report was written by a panel led by former chief justice Sandile Ngcobo. It found that Ramaphosa may have a case to answer over money stolen from his Phala Phala farm.

Ramaphosa is challenging that report in a separate court case, set down for 2 to 4 September. He says the report is wrong and wants it thrown out before any public hearings start.

Ramaphosa’s lawyer, Wim Trengove, argued that going through public hearings before that other case is decided could damage the president’s reputation in a way that could never be fixed, even if he’s later found innocent.

Opposition parties, including the EFF, MK Party, ATM and UAT, disagreed. They said Ramaphosa was simply trying to delay the process, not protect himself.

Committee chairperson Makashule Gana had said before the ruling that the committee would keep working “until a court told it otherwise.”

He also pointed out that Ramaphosa’s own lawyers had told the court the committee’s current work, appointing lawyers to lead the case, preparing witnesses, and finalising its rules, wasn’t what the court order was even asking to stop. That behind-the-scenes work can continue. It’s only the actual public hearings that are on hold for now.

This case started after the Constitutional Court ruled in May that Parliament broke the law back in 2022, when it voted to ignore the Ngcobo panel’s report instead of acting on it.

Ramaphosa has always denied doing anything wrong.

Pictured above: President Cyril Ramaphosa.

Image source:The Presidency of the Republic of South Africa

This week’s Sharp Sharp is the first one you can actually watch, and Rob Rose and Zukile Majova mark the occasion by digging into just how much South Africa neglects the institutions it depends on most.

It starts with the embassies. South Africa House on Trafalgar Square, one of the country’s most important diplomatic postings, now needs a seventy million rand overhaul and staff are reportedly told to bring their own toilet paper to work. The mission in the Netherlands has been shut for a year waiting on renovations that never started. Zuks puts it simply, Johannesburg is an institution too, and it needs two hundred billion rand just to get the water running.

Then the PIC. The three trillion rand asset manager, the biggest pot of money in the country, is back in chaos. Its acting chief investment officer has been pushed out and the CEO is on precautionary suspension while a whistleblower’s conflict of interest claims get investigated. Zuks calls the president’s reform record a broom without bristles, all the intention, none of the follow through.

Julius Malema’s link to the Madlanga Commission comes next, and what it could cost the EFF with elections just months away. The DA gets its own scrutiny too, after former leader Tony Leon’s lobbying firm landed him in a row over access to government ministers.

They close on the MK Party’s pick for the eThekwini mayoral race, a candidate raided by the Hawks over a two hundred and eighty million rand water tender, with a driveway full of Lamborghinis and Porsches to show for it. Rob’s verdict for KwaZulu Natal voters this November: bad options, worse options, and inept options.

Helen Zille is running the strongest campaign in Johannesburg, but she is not yet winning the coalition war, Zukile Majova writes in Real Politics. 

The DA can finish first on 4 November and still watch an ANC-led alliance elect the mayor. That is the paradox shaping Johannesburg’s municipal election. Winning the election and winning the mayoralty are no longer the same thing.

Coalition politics has changed everything.

Johannesburg is heading into another hung council. No single party appears capable of securing the 136 seats needed for an outright majority in the 270-seat council. The city’s next government will almost certainly be decided after election day, when parties begin negotiating behind closed doors.

The DA enters the race with momentum, but also with unfinished business.

In 2016, the party came within touching distance of taking Johannesburg outright after winning close to 480,000 votes. Five years later, that support had collapsed to about 240,000 proportional representation votes. Some voters stayed home. Many defected to Herman Mashaba’s ActionSA. Others drifted to smaller parties.

For Zille to achieve her ambition, the DA must recover much of that lost support. That means persuading former DA voters that returning to the party offers the best chance of changing Johannesburg’s fortunes, while expanding into communities where the party has historically struggled.

The DA’s biggest challenge is no longer defeating the ANC. It is rebuilding the broad coalition of voters that briefly made outright victory seem possible almost a decade ago.

The political landscape, however, has shifted dramatically since then.

The biggest new variable is Jacob Zuma’s uMkhonto weSizwe Party. MK did not exist during the 2021 local government elections. Yet in the 2024 provincial election, the party won more than 172,000 votes in Johannesburg, largely at the ANC’s expense.

At first glance, that appears to benefit the DA by weakening the ANC. But the reality is more complicated. Every new party in the council makes coalition negotiations more complex. MK may reduce the ANC’s vote share while simultaneously increasing the number of parties available for an anti-DA coalition after the election.

That is why this contest cannot be understood simply as a race between the DA and the ANC. It is a contest between competing coalition blocs.

The by-election results since 2021 reinforce this picture. The DA remains exceptionally strong in its traditional suburban heartlands, winning overwhelming majorities in wards across the northern suburbs. But outside those strongholds, progress has been harder.

The breakthrough in Evaton earlier this year, where the DA narrowly won a township ward in Emfuleni, suggested that the party can attract black working and middle-class voters frustrated by collapsing public services. But one victory does not signal a realignment. More telling is what has happened in Johannesburg itself. Despite holding its suburban base comfortably, the DA has not won a single Johannesburg by-election from another party since the 2021 municipal elections.

Another party has.

The Patriotic Alliance has quietly become one of the biggest winners of the coalition era, taking wards from both the ANC and the DA and steadily increasing its bargaining power. It may not emerge as one of Johannesburg’s largest parties. But in a fragmented council, even a handful of seats could determine who becomes mayor.

This is precisely why Zille’s task extends beyond campaigning. She must also convince potential coalition partners that a DA-led administration would be worth supporting.

That may prove more difficult than winning votes.

Relations between the DA and ActionSA remain strained after years of unstable coalition governments in Johannesburg and Tshwane. Smaller parties have frequently accused the DA of adopting a dominant approach to coalition management. Those tensions contributed to the revolving door of mayors that has characterised Johannesburg over the past five years.

The ANC has shown greater flexibility. Its alliances with the EFF, Al Jama-ah and smaller parties have often been unstable, but they have repeatedly achieved one objective: preventing the DA from governing South Africa’s biggest metros. MK now introduces another possible partner into that equation.

For the DA, therefore, becoming the biggest party may only be the first hurdle. The second is assembling a stable governing majority before its rivals do.

That brings the focus back to turnout.

The DA’s clearest route to power is not persuading large numbers of ANC supporters to switch. It is motivating former DA supporters who stayed away in 2021 to return to the polls. If those voters come back in significant numbers, the DA moves closer to governing. If they stay home, coalition arithmetic begins to favour everyone else.

Johannesburg’s election is often described as a referendum on service delivery. It is certainly that. Residents are living with failing infrastructure, water shortages, electricity interruptions and deteriorating roads.

But politically, this election is about something bigger.

It is a referendum on whether coalition politics can produce a stable government.

Zille is presenting herself as the experienced administrator who restored confidence in Cape Town and the Western Cape. Her campaign is built on competence rather than ideology. Whether that message resonates beyond the DA’s traditional support base remains the defining question of the campaign.

One thing already seems clear. Johannesburg is unlikely to produce a decisive winner. It will almost certainly produce a complicated negotiation. The DA could finish first. The ANC could finish second. MK could reshape the balance of power. The Patriotic Alliance and other smaller parties could become kingmakers.

When the votes are counted, the battle for Johannesburg may only just be beginning.

That is why Helen Zille can win the election and still lose City Hall.

Zukile Majova and Rob Rose go deeper on the Johannesburg race and what Helen Zille actually needs to win power in this week’s edition of Sharp Sharp, the podcast from Scrolla and Currency. Hear more from Zukile on the Sharp Sharp podcast, where he and Rob Rose unpack the week in South African politics every Wednesday.

Pictured above: Helen Zille. 

Image source: @Our_DA

By Palesa Matlala

• Nearly four in 10 South Africans expect to miss a loan or bill payment, while almost eight in 10 say rising prices are putting their household finances under pressure.

• Debt experts say many families are not failing to save because they are careless, but because most of their income goes towards food, transport, rent and debt repayments.

As payday gets closer, millions of South Africans are counting every rand.

For many families, their salaries or wages are already finished before the end of the month.

Saving money has become a luxury that many simply cannot afford.

The National Debt Counselling Association says the problem is no longer poor budgeting.

Instead, many households are trapped by rising living costs, debt repayments and everyday expenses that leave them with little or no money left over.

The warning comes during National Savings Month, which encourages people to put money aside for emergencies and their future.

But debt experts say that advice is difficult to follow when there is nothing left to save.

According to TransUnion’s latest Consumer Pulse Study, 39% of South Africans expect to miss at least one bill or loan repayment.

Only 37% believe their income is keeping up with rising prices.

The survey also found that 79% of consumers say inflation and the rising cost of living are among their biggest financial worries.

National Debt Counselling Association chairperson René Moonsamy said South Africans generally fall into three groups.

The first group can afford to save but chooses not to.

The second group has some money available but spends it on other priorities.

The third group has no choice because almost every rand they earn goes towards essential living costs and debt.

Moonsamy said this last group faces the biggest challenge.

“They cannot save because they simply do not have enough money left after paying for the basics,” she said.

She explained that many families spend most of their income on rent or home loans, transport, electricity, water, school fees, insurance, food and debt repayments.

When unexpected expenses happen, such as a car breaking down, a medical emergency or a leaking roof, many people have no savings to fall back on.

Instead, they borrow more money.

That creates an even bigger problem because the new debt means higher monthly repayments, leaving even less money available the following month.

“It becomes a cycle that is very difficult to escape,” Moonsamy said.

She encouraged consumers to regularly check their bank statements and cancel subscriptions or monthly deductions they no longer need.

Even small savings can help reduce the need to borrow money in the future.

However, she said some families have already cut back as much as possible.

For those households, the answer may not be spending less, but getting help to manage their debt.

Moonsamy said debt counselling can help consumers negotiate affordable repayment plans with creditors and prevent their financial situation from getting worse.

She said many people avoid debt counselling because they think it means they have failed financially.

“In fact, asking for help early is one of the smartest financial decisions you can make,” she said.

“It can protect your home, your car and your income while helping you get back on your feet.”

South Africa continues to battle high unemployment, rising living costs and slow economic growth.

For millions of households, simply making it to the next payday has become a monthly struggle.

Experts say building financial security starts with getting debt under control before trying to build savings.

Pictured above: Debt experts say millions of South Africans are struggling to save because rising living costs and loan repayments leave them with little money before payday. 

Image source: File

By Palesa Matlala

• The Madlanga Commission has questioned medical certificates submitted by several key witnesses after hearings were delayed and one witness was reportedly seen shopping while booked off sick.

• The Health Professions Council of South Africa says only a small number of complaints involve medical certificates, but doctors who abuse the system can face disciplinary action.

Medical organisations have defended the integrity of South Africa’s doctors after the Madlanga Commission of Inquiry raised concerns about medical certificates used by witnesses who failed to appear before the commission.

The commission is investigating allegations of interference, corruption and political influence within the South African Police Service and other law enforcement agencies.

In recent weeks, several important witnesses have missed their scheduled appearances after submitting medical certificates.

One of them was the head of the Investigating Directorate Against Corruption, Andrea Johnson.

Her testimony was postponed after the commission was told she had been rushed to hospital.

But Commission chairperson Justice Mbuyiseli Madlanga questioned the medical certificate that was submitted.

“I notice that this is one of those medical certificates… that give no information whatsoever,” Madlanga said.

The commission also heard claims that businessman Suliman Carrim, who also submitted a medical certificate, was later seen at a shopping centre in the Western Cape while he was supposedly too ill to appear.

Other witnesses who have submitted medical certificates include alleged political fixer Brown Mogotsi and Crime Intelligence official Feroz Khan.

The commission has warned that if necessary it may subpoena doctors to explain the medical certificates they issued.

The Health Professions Council of South Africa, which regulates doctors and other healthcare professionals, says concerns about questionable medical certificates are not new.

Council spokesperson Priscilla Sekhonyana said only a small percentage of complaints received each year involve medical certificates.

The council’s latest annual report shows it received 2,255 complaints during the 2024 to 2025 financial year.

Only 31 of those complaints, about 1.4%, related to medical certificates.

Sekhonyana said the overwhelming majority of doctors act professionally and follow the ethical rules set by the council.

She said the council investigates every complaint of unethical conduct and can discipline practitioners found guilty of misconduct.

South African Medical Association chairperson Dr Mvuyisi Mzukwa said doctors were concerned whenever their profession was brought into disrepute.

“It is a serious matter that we do not take lightly,” he said.

“We know the majority of doctors in South Africa do their work professionally and ethically.”

Health Professions Council executive David Mametja said a doctor may only issue a medical certificate after properly examining a patient and making a medical diagnosis.

He said every certificate should include the doctor’s registration number so employers, courts and other organisations can verify that it was issued by a registered healthcare professional.

Mametja said employers and other recipients may reject a medical certificate if they have valid reasons to question it.

However, he stressed that medical information belongs to the patient and doctors cannot disclose confidential details without the patient’s consent, unless ordered to do so by a court or another lawful authority.

The council also confirmed that registered healthcare practitioners must comply with lawful subpoenas if they are called to testify before commissions of inquiry or in court.

The South African Medical Association Trade Union also backed the protection of patient confidentiality.

Union president Dr Tshilidzi Sadiki said doctors must cooperate with legal processes while protecting patients’ privacy as far as the law allows.

He said maintaining trust between doctors and patients remains essential, even when medical certificates become part of legal proceedings.

Pictured above: This is a graphic that is trending on social media to describe how witnesses get admitted to hospital to avoid the Madlanga Commission.  

Image source: File